He went immediately to her, he was passionately in love with her; he let her see him in his Godliness, after he had come in front of her, so that she rejoiced at the sight of his perfection; his love (it) went into her body.
The palace was flooded with God-scent, and all his aromas were (such as) out of Punt.
It should be exmphasized that none of these contentions originated with me but were paraphrased from the work of lay Egyptologist Gerald Massey, who in turn evidently adapted the basics from Dr. Sharpe (1799-1881), an Egyptologist and translator of the Bible, whose relevant quote appears at the top of this article.
The precise nature of the Egyptian birth scenes has been the subject of much debate since they were first analyzed by Western scholars in the 19th century, beginning most prominently with famous French linguist Champollion, a decipherer of the Rosetta Stone.
Budge delicately describes the god and queen merely as "holding converse," while Rev. James Baikie elegantly opines that the mother is impregnated by the ankh, "the divine breath of life, which is held to her nose."(4) Neither of these scholars indicates anything sexual about the scene, the implications of which represent the greatest matter of debate about these birth scenes. Baikie, Ernest Busenbark asserts that the virgin's impregnation occurs with the holding of the ankhs or "crosses of life" to the head and nostrils. John Jackson recounts the scene with "Kneph" (Khnum) and Hathor holding crosses/ankhs to the "head and nostrils" of the virgin queen, after which she becomes "mystically impregnated."(5) Indeed, the activity of Khnum/Kneph putting the ankh to the queen's nostril to impart life constitutes another sort of conception, mystically and spiritually - a significant concept that is not tremendously different from that found within Christianity and that has been claimed as a predecessor for the Christian nativity motif of the Holy Spirit fecundating the Virgin Mary.
The description I provided of the Luxor birth scenes was picked over by Carrier for a number of issues, including whether or not the "annunciation" of the birth precedes the conception, as it does in the Christian story; if it could be called a "miraculous conception"; whether or not the king's mother could be deemed a "virgin" after conception; and the use of the term "magi" to describe individuals adoring the newborn babe and the name "Isis" for the mother.
In my book , I examine this birth scene in the Luxor temple in detail, in over 30 pages.
This present article is adapted from the extensive analysis in CIE and also serves as a response to a critical article by historian Richard Carrier concerning the Egyptian nativity scenes. 115-116), which raises up numerous comparisons between the Christian and Pagan religions, I included the following description of the above engraving of some of the scenes from the Luxor birth cycle: Furthermore, inscribed about 3,500 years ago on the walls of the Temple at Luxor were images of the Annunciation, Immaculate Conception, Birth and Adoration of Horus, with Thoth announcing to the Virgin Isis that she will conceive Horus; with Kneph, the "Holy Ghost," impregnating the virgin; and with the infant being attended by three kings, or magi, bearing gifts.
The nativity scenes at Luxor were not the first to have been created, as similar depictions existed earlier concerning the birth of the female pharaoh Hatshepsut (15th century BCE) in her temple at Deir el Bahari.
Nativity scenes were also commonly used in "the Mamisi of the later periods,"(2) mamisi or mammisis constituting "birth rooms" or "birth houses." The fact is that these birth scenes or "nativity templates," so to speak, were popular and in the minds of Egyptians beginning at least 3,400 years ago and continuing into the second century of the common era, with its eventual creation of Christianity.